F2F Class Notes 19 June (Peter)

Corrections


I prefer to skinny girls – I prefer skinny girls

I don’t like too fat girl – I don’t like girls that are too fat

I want to get more strong – I want to get stronger

I make push-ups – I do push-ups

I really like play basketballI really like to play basketball

When I was middle school – when I was in middle school

People always joke him – people always joke about him.

How long stay in Chinese – how long have you been in China?

 

Vocabulary


Skinny – the opposite of fat, 瘦

Ex. I used to be fat, but now I’m very skinny.

Slight – almost, a little bit

Ex. He was slightly angry. She has a slight smile on her face.

Beauty Standards – what society considers beautiful or ugly

Ex. In China, beauty standards emphasize white skin.

Muscular – adjective form of muscle, someone with a lot of muscle

Dumbbell – 哑铃

To lift weights – to exercise with dumbbells.

Ex. He is trying to get stronger by lifting weights.

National Sport/National Pastime – the most popular sport in a country

Ex. Baseball is America’s favorite pastime.

Tackle – when talking about American Football, it is the action of pushing someone in order to make them fall.

Assassinate – to kill a specific person

Ex. President Kennedy was assassinated on November 22, 1963.

VPN (virtual private network) – an application on a computer used to access locally blocked sites

Biased – having an opinion when you should be neutral

Reform – 改革. A reformer is a person who brings forward reform.

Disguise – (verb or noun) to hide or be hidden.

Ex. Xi Jinping is disguising his reforms = Xi Jinping is a reformer in disguise.

Grammar


Using “by” to explain how something is achieved.

[Subject] + [end result] + by [means] OR by + [means] + [subject] + [end result]

For example, “I am improving my English by coming to class” OR “by coming to class, I am improving my English.” Using “by” in this way is similar to the “为了” structure in Mandarin. Normally, if the end result is negative, we will put the “by” phrase in the beginning.

Ex. “He is getting stronger by going to the gym” OR “by going to the gym, he is getting stronger.” But, if the end result is getting weaker, it is more natural to say “by avoiding the gym, he is getting weaker.”

Phrases


To play ball

In Mandarin, the phrase “to play ball (打球)” means to play any sport with a ball. In [American] English, saying “play ball” refers to playing baseball (在美国,打球=打棒球). You would normally specify which sport it is, but saying “play ball” is synonymous with saying “play baseball” in the spoken language.

I got you.

In the spoken language, “I got you” means “知道了” or “don’t worry.” In America, people normally pronounce it “I gotchu.”

Grace

In English, the word “grace” s usually used sarcastically. For example, we are having a party and you show up late. I can turn to you and say “look who decided to grace us with his presence.” This means “wow, you showed up!” but it sounds a little rude, and definitely sarcastic.

Pronunciation


Skinny (SKIN-ee)

Hug (“U” as in “but”)

Muscular (MUSK-you-lurr)

Colleague (CALL-eeg)

College (CALL-ij)

Dumbbell (DUM-bell, make sure it doesn’t sound like “dumbo”)

Exercise (EX-urr-size, make sure to pronounce all three syllables)

Ping Pong (PING-pang)

Started (START-idd, make sure you pronounce the “R” sound so it doesn’t sound like “studied”)

Tackle (TAA-kil, make sure it doesn’t sound like “tankle”)

Reading (“EA” sounds like “ee,” make sure it doesn’t sound like ready)

Novel (NAW-vil)

Original:

Today is Father’s Day, I reminded of my great-grandfather, who was born in 1928.At that time, China was not liberated so that people thought were very feudal, and people were pretty poor. He had taught me the Three Cardinal Guides and the Five Constant Virtues when I was young. He forbade me to whistle, who though it was a bad habit. He taught me Diligence and thrift so that he always asked me to eat up food in the bowl and he always weared old clothes. He also taught me how to make girlfriend who must be a bit fat and the face was round, I think it a little ridiculous now. He has been dead 2 years. I miss him very much when I see the old man like him.

Edited:

Today is Father’s Day and I’m thinking of my great-grandfather, who was born in 1928. At that time, China was not liberated and people considered it very feudal; people were pretty poor. He had taught me the Three Cardinal Guides and the Five Constant Virtues when I was young. He forbade me to whistle because he thought it was a bad habit. He taught me diligence and thrift. He always asked me to eat all of my food in the bowl and he always wore old clothes. He also taught me that I should find a girlfriend who is a bit fat and who has a round face. I think it’s a little ridiculous now. He has been dead 2 years. I miss him very much, especially when I see an old man like him.

Article: Xi Jinping: Reformer in Disguise


Beijing (CNN) A Chinese leader gracing the covers of major western publications used to draw wild cheers from the country’s state media.

When President Xi Jinping appeared on recent covers of The Economist and Time, however, Beijing authorities summarily blocked the two magazines’ websites in China.

It was no coincidence that both front pages — and the accompanying articles — portrayed Xi emerging as a new Mao Zedong, the founding father of Communist China but also considered one of the most ruthless leaders in modern history.

Three years into his expected decade-long reign, Xi — who also heads the ruling Communist Party and the two-million-strong People’s Liberation Army — has amassed more power than almost any other post-Mao Chinese leader.

Xi sits atop a growing number of self-created “leading small groups,” powerful committees that oversee all matters of the state ranging from national security, economic reform to internet control.

He has effectively killed a decades-long system — set up after Mao’s death — of consensus ruling among a few senior leaders.

Last week, he acquired another title — “commander in chief” of the nation’s new joint forces battle command center, consolidating his control of the military.

READ: The power and fragility of China’s leader

His government has been silencing critics at home and abroad, strengthening its extensive internet censorship, arresting people for online comments and even allegedly sending agents overseas to kidnap its detractors.

Many lawyers, intellectuals and businessmen — well known for their dissenting views on state policies but tolerated by Xi’s predecessors — have fallen victim to the latest crackdown.

New Mao?

Not since the height of Mao’s Cultural Revolution — the tumultuous 1966-76 political movement marked by ideological fervor — has the Chinese public seen so much leader-worshipping in state media, including daily stories exalting Xi’s wisdom and achievements as well as elaborate songs and dances dedicated to him on national television.

“It’s an overstatement to say Xi’s becoming the next Mao — what we do see is a leader who wants to centralize power… and his formative experiences lay in the Cultural Revolution era,” said Orville Schell, a prominent American scholar who has been visiting China since the Mao years and now heads the Center on U.S.-China Relations at the Asia Society in New York.

“It’s not surprising when he reaches into his toolbox, he comes up with many tools that harken back to that period when Mao was alive: control, propaganda, discipline,” he added. “But I don’t think it’s possible for Chinese society to regress… to that degree of self-isolation and total indoctrination.”

Another longtime China analyst agrees with Schell on the unlikelihood of another Cultural Revolution — though with a different take on Xi’s power grabbing.

READ: ‘Lost generation’ recalls hardship of Cultural Revolution

“Consolidating power is the most important thing Xi has done since he took office — many have mistaken that as a sign of Xi becoming the next Mao,” said He Pin, the founder of Mingjing News, an influential Chinese-language media company based in New York that publishes books and runs websites on Chinese politics.

“Whether he turns out to be a true dictator or reformer, consolidation of power remains a prerequisite for a national and Party leader to succeed,” He said, explaining that the post-Mao system of dividing power among several members of the Politburo Standing Committee — China’s top decision-making body — had only meant fiefdoms and factional struggles instead of checks and balances.

“Xi’s biggest mistake in the past few years has been still trying to make changes within the system — the system is beyond saving.”

Protracted fight

Nowhere has Xi devoted more energy and resources than to his war on corruption, an issue he once labeled “life-and-death” for the Party.

After punishing thousands of officials, including the former domestic security czar and two retired top generals, his massive campaign seems to be losing steam — and attracting criticism over Party investigators’ extrajudicial and often brutal methods.

“Sure the campaign was popular at the beginning but then ordinary people started to realize that it had little to do with them — and had benefited them little,” He said, calling Xi’s “selective” anti-graft fight “political grandstanding.”

“Now officials and businessmen have little sense of security because most of their assets have been accumulated illegally,” he added. “The campaign is wrong because the system is unfair and breeds corruption.”

“I don’t think Xi will get corruption out of the system because you can’t have bureaucrats who control state assets get paid a couple thousand yuan a month and not have them be corrupt,” said Schell, referring to the relatively low salaries for most Chinese officials.

“I do grant him that his impulse is a sincere one. But on the other hand… you have to look at the anti-corruption campaign as sitting on a much larger political movement that is dedicated to ideological uniformity.”

A few cracks have appeared in the wall of ideological uniformity, though — noticeably in the form of two recent open letters calling for Xi’s resignation.

READ: Backlash over open letter intensifies

Open letters

Both anonymous online posts list a series of Xi’s failures on domestic and international fronts, accusing him of becoming a dictator and building a personality cult, while highlighting the continued economic slowdown in China and mounting regional tensions over China’s territorial disputes with its neighbors.

“I think the letters reflect the views of many officials, businessmen and intellectuals,” He said. “The subsequent manhunt for the authors only shows that the letters hit a nerve — and should serve as a warning to Xi.”

Even with more than a dozen people taken into police custody in connection to the case, experts point out that issues raised in the letters are not going away.

The Chinese economy — now the world’s second largest — posted its slowest growth in a quarter century in 2015, after the government clumsily tried but spectacularly failed to stop a stock market crash last summer that wiped out a third of share value within a month.

READ: Is China cooking the books?

“This is a great danger about consolidating power and Xi’s gotten rid of his premier, in effect,” Schell said. “So everything is on him — and the only place where he can pass blame off to is of course foreigners.”

In the South China Sea, where Beijing competes with five small neighbors on territorial and maritime claims, China’s island-building and military deployment have unnerved other claimants, prompting some of them to embrace Washington’s increasingly visible military presence in contested waters.

“The tendency to blame hostile foreign forces will undermine China’s ability to get along with the U.S. and it’s a very precariously balanced situation where China doesn’t have any allies,” Schell said.

READ: U.S. protests Chinese action in South China Sea

“It’s also the opposite of what Confucius said — and of course Xi allegedly loves Confucius who said if something goes wrong, the first obligation of a gentleman is to look within oneself and do some self-cultivation.”

‘China virus’?

Xi has been cultivating ever-closer economic ties between China and developing countries since he took office, vastly outspending the West by pouring billions of dollars in both investments and aid in Africa, Latin America and Southeast Asia.

“Such scenarios are hurting the U.S. and western interests: Obama can’t just write a huge check to other countries but Xi can, unfettered by any checks and balances at home,” He said.

“China is a power without the constraint of rules, without a moral foundation and without the rule of law — and that has its appeal… because giving someone money without asking for anything in return is very attractive.”

Having coined the phrase “China virus” to depict the impact of Beijing’s mercenary approach to international relations, He says he worries about Xi’s hardline domestic policies spreading outside China’s borders and dealing a blow to democratic values across the globe.

Schell has reached a similar conclusion, noticing Xi’s apparent rejection of a longstanding goal of national reform in moving China towards a more open society.

READ: China’s crackdown on dissent goes global

“China’s very 19th Century notion of sovereignty — whether it’s in regard to the Internet, human rights, or whatever — is somewhat primitive,” he said.

“I do think the world has always been threatened by authoritarian models and rules… and you have to be concerned that this represents a kind of an infection in the global order.”

“It’s possible that we wake up tomorrow and Xi Jinping will be a very different person,” he added. “But generally speaking, history doesn’t move in that direction — what you see is what you’re going to get.”